"Trump returns to the White House and Latin America faces uncertainty and challenges."

The return of Donald Trump to the White House generates expectations and fears in Latin America, a region that, according to analysts, seems to fade from his agenda. For Juan Gabriel Tokatlian, an expert in International Relations, Trump comes with a mix of frustration and disinterest towards this part of the world, an attitude that could define his administration in the coming years. Tokatlian's analysis highlights that, in his inaugural speech, Trump did not mention any Latin American country, except to refer to the southern border of the United States and the Panama Canal. This omission underscores a disinterest that has characterized his approach to the region. Since his first presidential campaign, Trump’s rhetoric about Latin America has focused on negative themes, such as drug trafficking, migration, and crime, relegating Latin American countries to a position of dependency. The author also points out that Trump’s relationship with Latin America is a mix of a "dependent" image and a vision of "revenge." This narrative translates into a foreign policy that not only ignores the interests of Latin American countries but also seeks to impose conditions without offering significant resources. This approach could intensify, Tokatlian anticipates, as pressure from the United States grows in a global context where China's influence in the region becomes more evident. The Monroe Doctrine, which historically sought to prevent European intervention in Latin America, seems to resurface in Trump’s rhetoric, albeit in a different context. This time, the competition is not only military but also economic, focusing on China’s influence. However, the lack of a direct military threat from Beijing poses a dilemma for the United States: demanding more commitments from Latin American countries without offering resources to support these commitments. One area of concern is Trump’s relationship with Mexico, a key country in the regional dynamic. With a trade exchange exceeding 800 billion dollars a year, the interaction between the two countries is crucial. Nevertheless, pressure on Mexico will intensify, especially on issues related to drug trafficking and migration, which could lead to asymmetric transactions that harm Mexico. Moreover, designating drug cartels and criminal gangs as terrorist organizations represents a shift in the United States' strategy towards Latin America. This could result in increased pressure on Mexico and other countries in the region, creating a tense environment that might lead to more aggressive actions from Trump's administration. Regarding Venezuela, oil remains a hot topic. Although Trump has hinted that the U.S. could do without Venezuelan crude, this country continues to be one of the main exporters to the United States. Tokatlian notes that the relationship with Maduro will be complex, and the administration is likely to use a combination of incentives and sanctions in its negotiations. As Trump takes his seat again, the political fragmentation in Latin America complicates the possibility of a unified response to his administration. The region is divided and lacks a coherent position to face Washington's demands, which could favor Trump in his bilateral negotiations with individual countries. In this context, it remains to be seen how relations between the United States and Latin America will develop in the next period and what actions Trump will take in his quest to reaffirm his country’s control and influence in the region. The mix of disinterest and fury towards Latin America that his return projects could lead to a new phase of tensions and challenges in international politics, where the future of the region and its relations with the United States will depend on the decisions made in this new chapter.