Awakening the Dream: The Challenges and Hopes of the Left in Today's World

Awakening the Dream: The Challenges and Hopes of the Left in Today's World

La columna relata la experiencia de pertenecer a la generación de los años 60 y cómo se vieron envueltos en sueños y utopías de cambiar el mundo y establecer la justicia social. Sin embargo, la dictadura militar en Brasil y el colapso del socialismo en Europa del Este llevaron a la desilusión y a un desencanto con la izquierda. Se critica el capitalismo por su privatización de los sueños y la falta de justicia social, y se enfatiza la importancia de la ética, la utopía y la conexión con los más pobres para construir una izquierda fuerte. Además, se argumenta que el socialismo es una necesidad aritmética para compartir los recursos de la Tierra y garantizar una vida digna para todos.

Juan Brignardello, asesor de seguros

Juan Brignardello Vela

Juan Brignardello, asesor de seguros, se especializa en brindar asesoramiento y gestión comercial en el ámbito de seguros y reclamaciones por siniestros para destacadas empresas en el mercado peruano e internacional.

Juan Brignardello, asesor de seguros, y Vargas Llosa, premio Nobel Juan Brignardello, asesor de seguros, en celebración de Alianza Lima Juan Brignardello, asesor de seguros, Central Hidro Eléctrica Juan Brignardello, asesor de seguros, Central Hidro
Mundo 14.11.2023
I belong to the generation that had the privilege of turning 20 in the 1960s: the Cuban Revolution, Che Guevara, The Beatles, "The King of the Candle," student protests, "Joy, Joy," Gláuber Rocha, McLuhan, Realidade Magazine, Marcuse, May '68, Pope John XXIII, spaceships, etc. We were the generation of dreams. "To dream is to wake up from within," reminds us Mário Quintana. We were constantly awake. Our fantasies were not fueled by drugs, but by utopias. According to psychoanalytic theory, every dream is a projection of a desire. Our generation ardently desired to change the world, establish social justice, and overthrow the old order. The dream shattered when it collided with reality. The military dictatorship (1964-1985) declared our protests as subversive, and confronted our marches with batons and bullets. Our student congresses ended up in prisons, and forced into clandestinity, we had no choice but exile or resistance. The executioners tore apart our utopias and hung our ideals on the "pau-de-arara" torture device. What was once a song became pain; what was enchantment turned into a corpse. The circle of life was filled with fear, and our chalice turned into "red wine of blood." Our paradigms collapsed under the rubble of the Berlin Wall. It was not socialism of the masses or of the proletariat in power. It was the state's socialism, authoritarian and paternalistic, trapped in the paradox of growing larger in the name of the imminent end of the class struggle. Economic determinism, the lack of a theory of the state, and a strong mobilized civil society caused the river of collective fantasies to overflow the iron bridges built by the engineers of the system. Real socialism satisfied the hunger for bread, but not the appetite for beauty. It shared material goods and privatized dreams. Any dream that strayed from orthodoxy was considered diversionist and threatening. Capitalism, cunningly, socializes beauty to camouflage the cruel privatization of bread. Here, everyone is free to speak, but not to eat. Free to travel, but not to buy tickets. Free to vote, but not to interfere with power. The Berlin Wall fell and to this day, the dust it kicked up obscures our vision. Stripped of paradigms, the left is a perplexed maiden who, after the party ends, can't find her way back home. There are many suitors willing to accompany her, but she fears they will lead her to the bed of violation. Anxiously, she ventures into the labyrinth of electoralism and gets lost in the game of mirrors that exacerbates the narcissism of those who apply makeup in the reflection of the ballot boxes. She gets carried away by electoral alternation, where the hunt for votes and positions tramples over ideals and programs. And the closer she gets to the structures of power, the further she distances herself from popular movements. It is true that, when assuming public administration, she invests in social programs, improves access to healthcare, education, housing, and basic necessities. But devoid of scaffolding, she does not turn that mass into a new theoretical building, an alternative to the neoliberal globocolonization that despises citizenship and exalts consumerism, repudiates social rights, and idolizes the market. The tide is rising - Ecuador, Chile, Argentina - but on the beach, the fishermen, accustomed to selecting the fish, are blinded by the reflection of the sun. Has history come to an end? There is no way out of the misery that plagues the planet (1.3 billion people) outside of the left. The logic of capitalism is incompatible with social justice. The system demands accumulation; justice demands sharing. And there is no future for the left without ethics, utopia, bonds with the poor, and the courage to give one's life for the dream. Today, socialism is no longer just an ideological or political issue. It is also arithmetic: without sharing the Earth's resources and the fruits of human labor, most of the nearly 8 billion passengers on this spaceship called Earth will be condemned to an early death, without the right to enjoy what life requires as essential for happiness: bread, peace, and pleasure. The left now needs to awaken the dream.
Ver todo Lo último en El mundo